The Constitutional Status of Yukon— A Normative Analysis

: Because Yukon is established by an Act of Parliament, is it possible Ottawa could abolish it or alter the government’s powers at will? The question of the legal position of Yukon in the federation is not straightforward. This article considers three pillars supporting the normative constitutional status of Yukon. The ﬁ rst is a review of functionality, which suggests that today Yukon operates essentially like a province. The second pillar is permanence. It is suggested that the structure of public government, the democratic rights of Yukoners, and the rights of Yukon First Nations, together operate to limit Parliament’s power to unilaterally change the Yukon Act without the agreement of the people of Yukon. The ﬁ nal pillar is sovereignty. As a result of devolution and responsible government, it is suggested that the Yukon government’s sphere of power is now protected from unilateral interference by Parliament. While there has been no constitutional amendment, these pillars support an interpretation that the “constitution-in-practice” has been altered. At the same time, the majority of Yukon First Nations have constitutionally protected rights and are now self-governing. This article concludes that the traditional binary view of the federation comprised of provinces and the federal government needs to be reimagined. The normative constitutional framework must embrace a broader vision that accommodates asymmetries in status and authority, acknowledges a permanent and sovereign place for Yukon and the other territories, and makes space for participation by Indigenous peoples in governance of the federation.


Part I. Introduction
K.C. Wheare defi ned the "federal principle" as the "method of dividing powers so that the general and regional governments are each, within a sphere, coordinate and independent." 1 Canada's Constitution 2 establishes a central federal government 3 and ten provinces 4 and sets out an exclusive division of powers between the two orders of government. 5 In practice, Canada is considered to have a federal government that meets Wheare's defi nition. 6 However, Yukon 7 and the other two territories of Canada-the Northwest Territories and Nunavut-are separate subnational territorial sites of public 8 government but do not fi t neatly into this constitutional structure.
Th e territories 9 are established by "ordinary" Acts of Parliament, which suggests that they could be abolished, or their powers altered at will by Ottawa. However, the question of the normative constitutional status and place of the territories in the federation is not as straightforward as that.
In the past, the territories were easily overlooked on the national stage because they are in the periphery and not part of the conventional federal system. Th is is changing, however, as mature public government in the North 10 evolves and as Indigenous 11 peoples of the North become self-governing and make legitimate claims for a role in governance of the federation. 12 Th e North is also taking on new economic and geopolitical importance because of the melting polar ice. 13 Th e potential for an ice-free Northwest Passage 14 and intensifying interests in oil, gas, and mineral resources 15 create opportunities as well as complex ecological, governance, and sovereignty challenges.
Yukon, the most westerly of the territories, was established as a distinct polity in 1898 in response to the infl ux of people during the Klondike gold rush. 16 At that time, Indigenous peoples also lived on the land that would become Yukon, as they had for thousands of years.
Over its 122-year existence, Yukon has experienced a "profound political revolution." 17 Th e relationship of public governance and Indigenous rights has been critical to this evolution. Th e Yukon government was initially operated as an extension of a federal government department. As a result of devolution over the years, however, it now has representative and responsible public government with essentially provincial-like powers. At the same time, as a result of negotiations over several decades, eleven of the fourteen Yukon First Nations have entered into modern treaties and have self-government powers. 18 It is against this backdrop that the constitutional status of Yukon within the federation is examined. While aspects of this article apply to the Northwest Territories and Nunavut, the specifi c status of each of them would need to be considered separately taking into account their histories and governance structures. 19 Th ere are various possible models for subnational public governance structures, ranging from a "central outpost" 20 to those that have more impact on people's lives than a national government. 21 In the Canadian context, a conventional approach would be to view these subunits "below" the central state on a continuum, with provincehood at one end as the "ultimate" goal, and a mere federal agent or delegate at the other.
In order to locate Yukon on the continuum, this article begins with a brief description of the creation of Canada and the evolution of Yukon to set the context.
A discussion of three pillars supporting the constitutional status of Yukon follows, starting with an empirical review of functionality compared to a province. Next is an evaluation of the permanence of Yukon based on the principle of democracy. Legislative sovereignty over devolved matters is considered as the third pillar. Based on this analysis, which combines both positive and normative elements, it is suggested that Yukon is as close to being a province as is possible without direct constitutional amendment. As a result, the Canadian "constitutionin-practice" 22 should now be characterized not only by formal federalism but also by "devolutionary federalism." 23 It is clear that Wheare's defi nition is no longer a complete description of Canada. Rather, an expanded vision of the federation is required 24 -one that transcends both the traditional federal/provincial dichotomy and the linear conception of subnational units that assumes provincehood is the ultimate goal.
It is suggested that the Canadian constitutional universe may be theorized as a constellation where status is not the sole defi ning feature and members may have varying authorities, though all have a role in the governance of the federation. In this universe there is respect for the constitutional principles of federalism; democracy; the rule of law and constitutionalism; and protection of minorities. However, there is also an acknowledgement that there is a place for Yukon-and indeed the other territories as well as Indigenous governments-to participate in governance in the federation, despite asymmetries in status and authority.
Th is normative account of the Canadian political existence invites us to invoke our "constitutional imagination" 25 to reveal "new ways of conceiving the boundaries of practical political action" 26 to ensure an inclusive and democratic society for all Canadians.

Part II. Background
Because public governance in Yukon and in the other two territories is "anomalous within the Canadian federal system" 27 a précis of the creation of the country and the evolution of Yukon will be of assistance to set the context for the discussion of the constitutional status of Yukon today.

A. Creation of Canada
Under the Constitution Act, 1867, 28 the Provinces of Canada (Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia formed the Dominion of Canada. 29 Th at Act sets out a list of exclusive powers for the central Parliament and each of the provinces. 30 In 1870, Rupert's Land was transferred to Canada along with the North-Western Territory, 31 part of which was then established as the province of Manitoba. Th e remaining part was constituted as the Northwest Territories. 32 Jurisdiction to create new provinces 33 and to "make provision for the administration, peace, order and good government" 34 of any territory not within a province was conferred on Parliament. Th us, Parliament's jurisdiction in the North is not limited by the division of powers.
Th e colony of British Columbia joined "Confederation" in 1871 and Prince Edward Island joined in 1873. In 1898, the Yukon Territory was carved out of neighbouring Northwest Territories and established as a separate territory. Th e Northwest Territories was also the "geographic quarry" 35 for Alberta and Saskatchewan, which were created as provinces in 1905. Newfoundland joined confederation in 1949 and in 1999, the Northwest Territories was divided to create a new territory of Nunavut. Th us Canada is now comprised of ten provinces and three territories.
Th is capsule account of Canada, however, only tells part of the story. When Europeans arrived in what would become Canada, Indigenous peoples were living in their own communities with distinct cultures and governing themselves according to their own laws and customs, 36 but there was no formal role for them in Confederation. 37 In the Constitution, Parliament was assigned responsibility for "Indians and lands reserved for the Indians." 38 In 1982, the rights of Indigenous peoples gained explicit constitutional recognition and protection. 39 Negotiations of comprehensive land claim and self-government agreements are now viewed as the "best approach" 40 to pursue reconciliation. Indigenous governments are also involved with provinces, territories, and the federal government in various intergovernmental fora, though they do not necessarily always have the co-equal role they seek. 41

B. Evolution of Yukon
When Yukon was fi rst established, a federally appointed commissioner governed it with advice from the responsible federal minister or the federal Governor in Council as well as an appointed six-member legislative council. 42 Yukon operated essentially under a "colonial regime." 43 In response to local demands for representation, the governance structure evolved to a hybrid model, and then to a fully elected council by 1908. 44 Following the gold rush, the existence and composition of the council waxed and waned. 45 Even with a fully elected council, though, the commissioner still had full executive authority and a veto over legislation. Th is continued to foment resentment on the part of Yukoners who lobbied for change. 46 Th rough the 1960s and 1970s, elected offi cials started to take on greater authority culminating in a letter issued in 1979 by the federal Minister of Indian Aff airs and Northern Development Jake Epp, which formally instructed Commissioner Christensen to institute responsible government in Yukon. Christensen was to constitute an executive council (cabinet) composed of elected members chosen by the premier, remove herself from the day-to-day aff airs of government, and act only on the advice of the executive council or legislative assembly. 47 With the "Epp letter" and the introduction of party politics, "most of the characteristics of provincial-style government had been instituted." 48 In the 1980s and 1990s public government continued to evolve. Today, Yukon has a modern Westminster style of government 49 and the principles of responsible government are refl ected in the modernized Yukon Act. 50 As evolution of public government was occurring, Yukon First Nations presented their proposal in 1973 51 for negotiation of treaties. Today eleven of the fourteen Yukon First Nations 52 have comprehensive modern treaties 53 that are given force through legislation 54 and protected by the constitution. 55 Th e related self-government agreements are not treaties but do provide for extensive powers of self-government 56 and are given eff ect through legislation. 57 Over the years, control over most provincial-like programs had been devolved to the Yukon government, however, devolution of natural resources only occurred in 2003 58 once a majority of Yukon First Nations had settled their claims. Th is was a crucial stage in devolution as it provided "eff ective control over the most important elements in the territorial economy." 59 Today, Yukon First Nation fi nal and self-government agreements provide a foundation for innovative and evolving cooperative governance between public government and First Nations.

Part III. Comparative "Postfunctionalist" 60 Analysis
With that background to set the context, we can now turn to an analysis of the status of Yukon, the fi rst pillar of which is its governance function. A positive intra-country comparative analysis of the structure of governance with a province will assist in locating the relative position of Yukon on the constitutional continuum.
In theorizing subnational structures of governance, Hooghe et al. have employed what they term a "postfunctionalist" approach because of their assertion that governance is measured not only "by its functionality but by its emotional resonance." 61 Th e design of governance structures has intrinsic signifi cance for people as it is one key way in which identity is refl ected. 62 In a composite polity, people are positioned in a relational way to both the central state and sub-state governments. 63 In Canada, people are "Canadians" and they are, for example, "Yukoners" or "British Columbians" as well.
Hooghe et al. use multiple dimensions to measure regional authority, taking into account domains of self-rule and shared-rule. 64 Th ey have profi led and scored the territories and provinces of Canada as well as eighty other countries. 65 Th ese dimensions form the basic framework for this assessment though they have been materially adapted here to more fully explicate the similarities and diff erences between Yukon and a province.
A. Self-Rule 66 1. Representation 67 As described previously, Yukon now has a fully elected representative government.

Institutional Depth and Policy Scope 68
Th ese two dimensions are concerned with independence from control of the central state and the scope of autonomous policy decision-making. 69 Legislative power, responsibility for programs and services, the court system, the application of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the Charter), 70 and the role of the head of state are considered below in assessing these dimensions.
Th e Yukon Act was replaced in its entirety in 2003 and now essentially replicates the provincial list of legislative powers for the Yukon Legislature. 71 Yukon's legislative powers are not exclusive, however, and a federal law prevails in the event of a confl ict with a Yukon law. 72 Notably though, validly enacted provincial and federal laws may on occasion be in confl ict 73 even though their jurisdictions are exclusive, and federal paramountcy applies in that case as well. 74 Federal powers to direct the commissioner to reserve assent to a bill and disallow a law made by the Yukon Legislature are included in the Yukon Act. 75 Constitutional experts contend that similar federal powers in respect of provincial legislation, 76 which have not been used since 1943, have been abandoned. 77 Th e last time these powers were used by the federal government in Yukon was 1982. 78 Judicial pronouncements, 79 the application of the Charter, availability of judicial review, and democratic responsibility 80 suggest that they would no longer be used in Yukon either.
Yukon also has responsibility for essentially the same programs as are under provincial jurisdiction with only a couple of anomalous and historic exceptions. 81 Th ere is a legal point of departure from a province, however, with respect to ultimate "ownership" of the natural resources on public land, 82 as in Yukon they continue to "belong" to Her Majesty in right of Canada. 83 Th e Yukon government has the same powers a province has to regulate and sell public land and retain the proceeds. However, the Yukon Act provides that the federal government can unilaterally "take back" land or resources in Yukon in limited circumstances (e.g., national interest) 84 though that has never occurred.
With respect to the courts, while the judicature provisions of the constitution 85 do not apply to Yukon, the Yukon superior courts 86 and Yukon's territorial court 87 are organized, and function, in the same way as their counterparts in a province. Because the Charter applies equally to the territories and provinces, 88 the relationship of the Yukon government with its citizens in relation to their rights and freedoms is also identical to that of a province with its citizens.
Finally, with respect to the head of state, the governor-general is the representative of the British and Canadian monarch at the federal level 89 and a lieutenant-governor fulfi lls this role at the provincial level. 90 Th e commissioner is the head of state for Yukon. 91 While the federal government appoints a lieutenantgovernor, 92 it was decided early on in Canada's history that a lieutenant-governor is the representative of the monarch for all purposes of the provincial government and is not an agent of the federal government. 93 Th e question of the status of the commissioner as an agent of the Crown or of the federal government, however, remains unsettled.
Th e preamble of the Yukon Act acknowledges that Yukon has a system of responsible government that is similar in principle to that of Canada. 94 Th e commissioner is also appointed by the federal government 95 and fulfi lls the same functions as a lieutenant-governor. 96 A previous provision that required the commissioner to act on instructions from the federal government has now been repealed. 97 Whether there exists a "Crown in right of Yukon" is sometimes confl ated with the question of provincial status, 98 but they are not necessarily the same question. For example, there exists a Crown in right of the Northern Territory of Australia even though self-government there is achieved through an Act of Parliament. 99 Federal ownership of public land is also not a deciding factor because this was the case in the prairie provinces until 1930. 100 Nor is the diff erence in the title determinative given that the constitution acknowledges that a chief executive may be called by other titles. 101 When the North-West Territories Act was fi rst enacted in 1875, the chief executive of the territories was styled lieutenant governor. 102 Th e paramountcy of federal laws over Yukon laws is akin to the relationship of the laws of the Imperial Parliament to laws of Parliament prior to the Statute of Westminster 103 so does not decide the issue of whether there exists a Crown in right of Yukon either.
Lastly, the lack of a reference to the Yukon commissioner in the constitution is not conclusive as the status of the lieutenant governor is not explicitly set out in the constitution either and had to be decided by the courts. 104 Th e concept of a "Crown in right of " recognizes that the Crown acts through diff erent governments in the exercise of its functions. Th is construction is necessary in a federation to accommodate the somewhat misleading concept of the indivisibility of the Crown. 105 Recognition of a Crown in right of Yukon would not have "some near mystical signifi cance" 106 nor would it mean that Yukon is now a province. Rather, what it signifi es is that Yukon is a government with legislative and executive powers. 107 Th e Supreme Court of the Northwest Territories confi rmed in 1999 that it had long been recognized that the territorial government and its institutions are not agents or delegates of the federal government when acting within their spheres of power. 108 Two years later, though, in what was arguably obiter dicta (opinion incidental to the decision), the Federal Court of Appeal stated in respect of the Northwest Territories that there is no "territorial" Crown. 109 However, the question does not appear to have been fully argued before that court. In any event, the status of the Yukon commissioner under the modernized Yukon Act has not been determinatively settled.
On one level this issue has only symbolic importance given that functionally the commissioner's role is "almost indistinguishable from a lieutenant-governor." 110 However, as Loughlin notes, "constitutions are required to serve both instrumental and symbolic purposes." 111 If normatively Yukon is considered a permanent and sovereign member of the federation as this article suggests, recognition by the federal government of the concept of a Crown in right of Yukon should follow. 112 113 Yukon has full provincial-like taxation powers and powers to raise revenues. 114 With respect to actual revenues, however, Yukon is not subject to the equalization provisions of the Constitution 115 and most of the territorial budget fl ows from Ottawa. 116 Th e dependence on federal fi nancing is a refl ection of Yukon's small population of 36,000, 117 lack of mature economy, and higher costs due to distances and climate. 118 As one consequence of this dependence, the federal government sets a borrowing limit for the Yukon government. 119 B. Shared-Rule 120

Law Making 121
Under the second domain for the measurement of regional authority, the fi rst dimension is concerned with the role of the regions in selecting representation at the centre. 122 Yukon has one elected member of Parliament, 123 however the federal government chooses and appoints all senators, including Yukon's one senator. 124 125 While there is a division of powers under the Constitution, there is an interdependence among governments in Canada related to policy and "interprovincial" matters necessitating cooperative approaches. 126 Th e Constitution, however, does not make explicit provision for intergovernmental arrangements. As a result, "dense institutional arrangements have developed in an ad hoc, informal" 127 manner. Th e First Ministers' meeting is the apex of this "cooperative federalism," 128 also referred to as "executive federalism." 129 Th e role of the territories in cooperative federalism has evolved. 130 Since 1992, the territories have been full participants in First Ministers' meetings and in the Council of the Federation. 131 132 Th is fi nal dimension of shared-rule is concerned with the ability to amend the Constitution. Th e Yukon Act is Yukon's constitution. Because it is a federal Act, Yukon cannot amend its own constitution in the same way a province can. 133 Signifi cantly, though, as part of the modernization of the Yukon Act, there is now a statutory requirement for the federal government to consult with the executive council before any amendment to or repeal of the Act 134 and the legislative assembly may make recommendations to the federal minister with respect to amendment or repeal of the Act. 135 Still, there is no formal role for any of the territories 136 in the amendment of the constitution.

C. Concluding Observations on Comparative Governance Functions
Overall, Hooghe et al. score Yukon at fi fteen on self-rule and the provinces at seventeen, the diff erence attributable only to the borrowing limit. 137 On sharedrule, provinces score six while Yukon scores four because of the lack of a formal role in constitutional reform. 138 Th is empirical comparison demonstrates that functionally Yukon's institutional and legislative independence and governance structures are almost equivalent to those of a province. It is not suggested here that Yukon has become an actual province through some form of "constitutional Darwinism." 139 However, the diff erence today is mainly in status rather than in powers. 140 Viewed through the postfunctionalist lens, this diff erence has little impact on the lives of the people of Yukon who interact with, vote for, and are governed by their territorial government in the same way other Canadians relate to their provincial governments.

Part IV. Permanence of Yukon
Having established the near-equal functionality with a province, the second pillar of the constitutional status of Yukon relates to permanence. Could Ottawa simply repeal the Yukon Act and thereby abolish Yukon and its governmental institutions or amend the Act to materially alter the powers or institutions of government? Th e status of the Yukon Act as an "ordinary" Act of Parliament suggests that this could be the case, subject only to the requirement for consultation with the executive council. 141 Some authors contend that Yukon's "existence is accepted as permanent." 142 While that may be true, the question of permanence is about more than just a "remote possibility … of abolition," 143 or signifi cant amendment, and the resulting complex web of details that would have to be addressed. Rather, it speaks to the place of Yukoners in Canada, and how they imagine their lasting political existence 144 in the federation.
In the following Part, it is suggested the Yukon Act now has quasi-constitutional status, and this together with the democratic rights of Yukoners and the rights of First Nations operate to limit Parliament's power to unilaterally repeal or signifi cantly amend the Yukon Act without agreement of the people of Yukon.

A. Yukon Act as a Quasi-Constitutional Statute
Within the Canadian constitutional framework, there are federal and provincial statutes that are not included in the defi nition of the constitution 145 but which are "constitutional in the sense that they establish or regulate some of the important institutions of the country." 146 Th e status of the Yukon Act has not been considered by the courts. We can, however, look to the United Kingdom (UK) for some guidance in relation to the status of statutes establishing devolved governments. Th ere are signifi cant diff erences in the circumstances of the UK due to the unitary nature of the state, the history of the constituent nations, and the lack of an entrenched written constitution. Nevertheless, there are some parallels that may be of assistance.
Th e Scotland Act 1998, 147 the Northern Ireland Act 1998, 148 and the Government of Wales Act 2006 149 have all been held to be constitutional statutes. 150 Distilling the relevant principles from the case law, Ahmed and Perry suggest that "a constitutional statute is a statute that is about state institutions and which substantially infl uences, directly or indirectly, what those institutions can and may do." 151 Applying this defi nition, the Yukon Act "creates or regulates a state institution" 152 and is of "great direct importance" 153 as it establishes the Yukon legislature and executive government including the offi ce of the commissioner. Indirectly it is also of importance as all of Yukon statutes and delegated legislation depend on the Act, as do the existence of municipal governments and their bylaws. Th e Yukon Act also has a signifi cant indirect eff ect on the fi nal and self-government agreements of Yukon First Nations. One of the central concepts underpinning the agreements is that each First Nation has a traditional territory within Yukon 154 and the territorial boundaries of Yukon are established in the Yukon Act. 155 Th ere are instances as well where the substance of the fi nal and self-government agreements are premised on the existence of Yukon institutions of public government. 156 Th e fi nal agreements also provide for various regulatory or advisory boards with guaranteed representation from the First Nations. 157 Th e agreements contemplate devolution of powers to the Yukon government and in respect of the majority of these boards, the Yukon government now fulfi lls the role assigned to "Government." 158 Because of the Yukon Act's subject matter and its direct and indirect impacts, it is suggested that it is beyond dispute that it would be considered constitutional in nature. A key implication of this status is that the Act, like the Acts establishing devolved governments in the UK, would not be subject to the doctrine of implied repeal 159 or a presumption that it is "consistent with an earlier ordinary statute." 160 Th ese doctrines are interpretive devices that have developed in response to the concept of parliamentary sovereignty, which suggests that Parliament has "the right to make or unmake any law whatever." 161 Primacy clauses are sometimes included in legislation in order to defeat the application of the doctrines. 162 However, the Supreme Court of Canada has recognized a "hierarchy of statutes" 163 in fi nding that human rights legislation takes precedence over later inconsistent legislation, even in the absence of a primacy clause, because of the special quasiconstitutional nature of such legislation. 164 Th e Yukon Act does not contain a primacy clause to address any potential confl ict with another Act of Parliament. Th is is not surprising given that the Act is of a diff erent order than most other legislation. However, one would reasonably expect that an Act establishing institutions of democratic government for one of the subnational jurisdictions in Canada would only be subject to repeal or amendment through explicit legislative action.

Th e Democracy Principle
Th e general rule is that statutes that are not included in the defi nition of the constitution 165 can be repealed or amended by the ordinary legislative process. However, the Diceyan concept of the sovereignty of Parliament (that is, the concept that Parliament may make or unmake any law at all) must, in the Canadian context, be modifi ed to account not only for constitutional constraints such as the division of powers and the application of the Charter, but also for constitutional conventions that "regulate the working of the constitution" 166 and operate to limit government action in practice, even if they may not be strictly enforceable by the law courts.
In the Reference re Secession of Quebec case (the Secession Reference), the Supreme Court of Canada reiterated that in addition to the written constitutional texts comprising the constitution, there are unwritten rules "which govern the exercise of the constitutional authority in the whole and in every part of the Canadian state." 167 Four principles identifi ed by the court are federalism; democracy; constitutionalism and the rule of law; and protection of minorities. Th ese principles "assist in the interpretation of the text and delineation of spheres of jurisdiction, the scope of rights and obligations, and the role of our political institutions." 168 And while one cannot dispense with the written constitutional text, the court held that these conventions "may in certain circumstances give rise to substantive legal obligations … which constitute substantive limitations on government action" as the conventions are "invested with a powerful normative force, and are binding upon both courts and governments." 169 In respect of the principle of democracy, the Court reminds us that democracy is not just concerned with the "process of government," but is connected to "the promotion of self-government." 170 Democracy is the expression of "the sovereign will of the people" 171 and "consent of the governed" 172 is essential in a democracy. While institutions of democracy must be based on a legal foundation, "a political system must also possess legitimacy" and refl ect "the aspirations of the people." 173 Th e Court here is refl ecting the understanding that constitutionalism in the modern era is founded on the premise that the power of government fl ows from the people and can only be exercised through constituted bodies that draw their authority from the people. 174 Th e constituent power remains alive even after the establishment of the constitution, 175 and the constituent and the constituted exist in a symbiotic relationship. 176 Th is gives "constitutions their open, provisional, and dynamic qualities, keeping them responsive to social change." 177 All of this is encapsulated in the court's articulation of the democracy principle.
As noted, in a federal system, people are positioned in this relational way to both their national and subnational governments. Th is is the case for the people of Yukon as well as the people of the provinces. While governance structures have evolved over time, Yukon has been a "separate geographical and political entity within Canada since 1898." 178 Yukon's ethos has been shaped by many factors including the momentous impacts of the gold rush and construction of the Alaska Highway; both federal hegemony and federal neglect; its vast wilderness and remoteness; its rich mineral potential and the related "bust and boom" economy; and important steps taken toward reconciliation with Yukon First Nations, including through the fi nal and self-government agreements. As a result of all of this, Yukon has come of age and today, many Yukoners, both "Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal-exhibit fi erce loyalty and a distinctive pride in the territory, every bit as strong as the loyalties" 179 of provincial residents to their provinces.
Th e establishment and maturation of institutions of government, the process of devolution, and the enactment of a modernized Yukon Act refl ect the longsought control over their own aff airs by Yukoners and a rejection of an antidemocratic "Ottawa-run colonial regime." 180 Th is is consistent with the tradition in Canada of "evolutionary democracy moving in uneven steps toward the goal of universal suff rage and more eff ective representation." 181 A comparison with the political development of Canada itself at this juncture is instructive given that the evolution of Yukon within Canada parallels in many ways the evolution of Canada within the British Empire. 182 In British North America there was an evolution from the period when the Imperial Parliament asserted absolute sovereignty over the colonies (1760-1847), to grants of responsible government beginning in 1848, to autonomous government at the time of Confederation in 1867, to independence as a result of the Statute of Westminster in 1931, and fi nally to full "constitutional independence" 183 in 1982 with the "patriation" of the Constitution. 184 Th e principle of democracy, also fundamental to the British constitutional system, meant that the Imperial Parliament never unilaterally rescinded a grant of responsible government 185 and never amended the Canadian constitution without the "vital role" 186 of Canadian consent. Th is is exemplifi ed by the 1982 amendments to the Constitution made by the UK Parliament. As the Supreme Court of Canada noted, "the legitimacy as distinguished from the formal legality of the amendments derived from political decisions taken within Canada." 187 It is also of assistance for comparison purposes to recall issues of permanence in Scotland. Devolution through the establishment of the Scottish parliament and government occurred in 1998 following a referendum on devolution in 1997. 188 Th e issue of permanence of Scottish government institutions was addressed by the UK Parliament in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, by adding a section to the Scotland Act 1998 stating that the Scottish parliament and government are a permanent part of the constitutional arrangements of the UK and are not to be abolished except on the basis of a Scottish referendum. 189 In considering this gesture, Walker asserts that while there may be some expressive value in a statutory form, more assurance "lies in the political force of established convention or common accord." 190 Indeed, Brouillet and Mullen agree that "the autonomy of devolved government is strongly protected by the non-legal principles of the constitution and political reality." 191 Unlike the Scotland Act 1998, the Yukon Act does not contain a statutory commitment to permanence. A certain legal stability can be said to exist for Yukon, however, in the fact that the Charter specifi es that it applies to Yukon and its legislative body, and includes recognition of the right of Yukon citizens to vote in elections for their legislative assembly and for the federal House of Commons. 192 Th is protects the democratic rights of Yukoners and provides some constitutional recognition of the Yukon legislature. 193 As noted previously, the constitution also explicitly provides for representation in the centre for Yukon. 194 If these constitutional rights were to be attenuated by Parliament through repeal of or signifi cant amendment to the Yukon Act, a constitutional amendment would be required, which underscores the gravitas of any such measure. 195 Aside from these provisions, the Constitution Act under which Yukon was established says nothing about the permanence or constitutional status of a territory. 196 Any new province established by Parliament under that same Act 197 was governed by existing constitutional architecture, which informed the status and powers of the province. Th ere is no such frame for a territory other than to say it is not a province.
Given both the historical and normative context of the development of Yukon and its place as a discrete and important demos within the Canadian federation today, it is suggested that the binding force of the principle of democracy fi lls this gap in the constitutional text 198 and helps to build out a framework within which to consider the status of a territory. On the question of permanence, the eff ect is that Parliament's normative ability to repeal or signifi cantly amend the Yukon Act is now limited except perhaps in pathological circumstances. 199 In the Secession Reference, the democratic principle demanded "that considerable weight be given to a clear expression by the people of Quebec of their will to secede." 200 Here we are considering a situation that in some ways is the reverse-that is, the ability of Parliament to unilaterally abolish or materially diminish Yukon's system of democratic government. Unlike in Scotland, there was no referendum on devolution in Yukon given that it was a process over many years and there was no single defi ning moment, or "constitutional novation," 201 in respect of which to have a vote. Nevertheless, it is suggested that the democratic principle would require that considerable weight be given to the clear expression by the people of Yukon in order to now abolish or diminish their government, with a corresponding obligation on the federal government to principled negotiations. 202 Arguably this is refl ected in the requirement for the federal government to consult the executive council before any repeal or amendment of the Act, and the ability of the legislative assembly to make related recommendations.
Th is proposal rejects a formalistic interpretation of the Constitution in favour of a more nuanced approach, which recognizes that Parliament's jurisdiction is conditioned by the requirement for legitimacy. Legitimacy, in turn, depends on the democratic will of the people of Yukon. Th is is similar to the political constraints that limit the ability of the UK Parliament to overturn Scottish devolution. It also has some parallel in the situation of Westminster as a "bare legislative trustee" 203 in relation to Canada prior to 1982. Th is approach recognizes that a grant of responsible government is "a watershed moment" 204 and, once granted, cannot be unilaterally rescinded. 205 Th ere will no doubt be those who assert that while this approach may not be objectionable in principle, the reality of Yukon's small population and dependence on federal funding tilts the balance of power and would permit Parliament to legitimately repeal or amend the Yukon Act as it sees fi t.
Th e fi rst point in response is that it cannot be defi nitively predicted that the fi nancial position of Yukon will for all time remain at its current level. Th e fortunes of the provinces have ebbed and fl owed dramatically at times infl uenced by many factors including discovery of and prices for non-renewable resources, trade, population demographics, and globalization. As a result, the fi scal arrangements between the federal government and the provinces have undergone many changes in 153 years of Confederation. 206 Th ere is a "vertical imbalance" 207 in Canada as a result of the division of powers, with major taxing authority residing at the federal level, but responsibility for expensive health, welfare, and education programs residing with the subnational governments. Th is necessitates transfers from the federal government to all of the provinces. Th ere are also "horizontal imbalances" 208 in the revenue-raising ability of the provinces and these are addressed through equalization payments. Similar principles also underpin fi nancial transfers to Yukon.
Th e vertical and horizontal imbalances today are more pronounced in the North. However, the federal government and all Canadians have an interest in prosperity and security in the North in an era when global interest in the circumpolar regions of the world is on the rise. In addition, even if federal funding remains a signifi cant aspect of Yukon's fi scal picture, this was the case when Parliament moved forward with establishing a democratic government in the territory. Financial dependence cannot legitimately be held as a trump card for all time that can, at the will of a particular federal government, be used to abolish or diminish the democratic rights of Yukoners.
While levels of funding from the federal government may fl uctuate as they do in the provinces, fi nancial dependence should not aff ect the normative permanent status of Yukon's democratic structures of governance.

Rights of First Nations
In the Secession Reference, the court reiterated that protection of Aboriginal and treaty rights, "whether looked at in their own right or as part of the larger concern with minorities, refl ects an important underlying constitutional value." 209 A repeal of the Yukon Act or material changes to the governance structures or powers of the Yukon government could have impacts on First Nations in Yukon. At a minimum, this would require consultation with the First Nation governments to ensure, among other things, the continued respect for Aboriginal and treaty rights, the integrity of "Government" commitments, and maintenance of the "political balances" 210 created through the fi nal and self-government agreements. If such changes amounted to a de facto amendment to the agreements, the consent of First Nation governments would be required.
At the same time, giving eff ect to the democracy principle would not, and could not, derogate from the constitutionally protected Aboriginal or treaty rights or Crown obligations owed to Indigenous Peoples. Th ese rights and obligations are addressed now in Yukon, as they are in provinces, through a series of bilateral and multilateral relationships among First Nation governments, the federal government, and the territorial or provincial government. A degree of entrenchment of the status of Yukon would not change this. Over time, the dynamics in the matrix of relationships in Yukon might come to resemble more closely those in a province. However, there is no template in this regard and the circumstances of the First Nations and the subnational government mandate the complex workings of these partnerships with the federal government.

Principles of Federalism, and Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law
Finally, the eff ect of the application of the democracy principle, as described above, on the remaining underlying constitutional principles must be considered because they all are required to function in symbiosis. 211 While the interpretation suggested could be characterized as "post-colonial," it presents no threat to constitutionalism and the rule of law that "lie at the root of our system of government." 212 Th e jurisdiction of Parliament as the body that amends or repeals the Yukon Act is respected, though subject to the constraints imposed by the democracy principle and First Nation rights.
Th e authority of the provinces under the federalism principle would not be aff ected in any way either. It would not require constitutional amendment or changes to the machinery of executive federalism. An enhanced status may potentially lend more import to Yukon's voice on the national level, but that will continue to be infl uenced by factors such as population and economic clout, as is currently the case, even among the provinces.

Part V. Sovereignty at the Periphery
Having considered functionality and permanence, the third and fi nal pillar of Yukon's constitutional status involves an inquiry into Parliament's ability to legislate in respect of matters that have been devolved to the Yukon legislature.

A. Relational Sovereignty
Sovereignty, as theorized by Loughlin, is a relational concept. 213 Political power, he writes, "does not reside in any specifi c locus" 214 but rather is generated from the relationship between government and its citizens. 215 Public power, in turn, exists when this political power is harnessed through the "institutionalization of authority." 216 In a federal state the division of power is not a "division of sovereignty." 217 Rather, the constitutional framework provides an internal and coherent mechanism through which "the nation … constitute[s] a system of government" and is thus an "elaboration of legal sovereignty." 218 Th is legal sovereignty or jurisdictional competence, however, is only one aspect of sovereignty. 219 Harkening back to the discussion of the constituent power and constituted authority in relation to the democracy principle, sovereignty is an expression of the relationship between the people and the institutions of government. 220 Sovereignty involves a "fl uid … interplay between law and politics" 221 that elevates our understanding beyond strict positivism and its tendency to "conceptualize extensive spheres of public life in legal terms." 222 Moving away from such "juridifi cation" allows for an appreciation that the interpretation of legal rules "often depends on the social dimensions of normative authority." 223 Th is account of sovereignty can assist in understanding and explaining the relationship among Parliament, the Yukon government, and the people of Yukon.
Having devolved provincial-like powers to the Yukon government, the relational sovereignty has shifted and is now "locally sourced." 224 It is more than a mere delegation of powers from Parliament. 225 A territorial site of representative and responsible government has been established and Parliament has backed out of these areas of jurisdiction.
One of the benefi ts of the principle of federalism is that it recognizes diversity in the subnational jurisdictions and facilitates democracy by "distributing power to the government thought to be most suited to achieving" 226 societal objectives. Services provided by the central government tend to be uniform across the country and thus insensitive to local needs. 227 Th ey are also more diffi cult to reform as they may require cross-country input. 228 Subnational governments in contrast can be more effi cient as they are "better positioned to access and make use of local knowledge and context" 229 and because they can be more responsive. 230 Th is is refl ective of the principle of "subsidiarity" 231 in the European Union context, which holds that "decisions aff ecting individuals should, as far as reasonably possible, be made by the level of government closest to the individual aff ected." 232 Federalism and democracy principles are thus mutually reinforcing. Th ese principles are equally applicable to the citizens of Yukon who have democratic rights equivalent to those of their fellow Canadians. Indeed, as noted by the Supreme Court of Canada, the territories, as well as the provinces, vigorously pursue objectives related to protection of their cultures and autonomy in relation to local matters. 233 At the time of devolution in 2003, representatives of the Yukon government, resource industries, and environmental watchdogs were united in their support for more local decision making 234 in contrast to the "remoteness of federal offi cials in Ottawa" 235 and their protracted decision-making processes. 236 Representatives of First Nations also saw the benefi t in dealing with a closer public government that understood the "local needs and conditions." 237 It is suggested, then, that as in the case of the permanence of Yukon, the devolved sphere of power is now normatively protected from unilateral interference by Parliament. Quite apart from the fact that Ottawa is ill-equipped to manage the quotidian details of provincial-like programs, it no longer holds "political supremacy" 238 on these matters. While the spectre of its formal power to legislate in respect of the devolved matters may continue to be a "ghostly legal presence," 239 the democratic principle requires that the legitimacy of any intrusion into Yukon's capacity depends on the will of the people of Yukon expressed through their elected legislative assembly. Th is would not of course apply to Parliament's authority to legislate in Yukon in the non-devolved areas, as it does in a province.

B. An Emerging Constitutional Convention
Emerging as a supplement to the sovereignty claim, though perhaps in an inchoate state as yet, is a specifi c convention that also serves to limit Parliament's power to legislate in respect of devolved matters.
Th ere is no explicit agreed-upon convention in Yukon similar to the Sewel convention 240 in Scotland, which provides that the UK Parliament will not normally legislate with respect to devolved matters without the consent of the Scottish Parliament. 241 However, a constitutional convention relating to the principles of responsible government 242 can develop over a period of time, eventually attracting "a sense of obligation or normative character." 243 Th e fi rst of the three requirements evidencing a convention is the existence of a precedent. 244 Parliament has not legislated directly in respect of a devolved matter in Yukon for many years and certainly not since 2003. In one instance Parliament made provision for the potential application of a Canada-wide endangered species law to matters under the control of Yukon; however, that law specifi es that it applies only if an equivalent territorial law does not exist, and its application requires prior consultation with the Yukon government. 245 A similar arrangement applies in the provinces. 246 Th us, a precedent has arguably been set.
Th e absence of federal legislation, and the complex legislative mechanism employed in the endangered species legislation to avoid the indiscriminate application of a federal law to matters under Yukon's power, can reasonably be interpreted as some evidence that Parliament treats the convention as binding, which speaks to the second requirement. 247 Lastly, the condition that there be a reason for the rule 248 is met by the democratic principle and the sovereignty that inheres between the Yukon government and the people of Yukon. Yukoners elect a Yukon government based on a platform for governance in respect of the devolved provincial-like matters. Th e people and the government are thus "bound together by the concept of representation." 249 Yukon has established over time the machinery of government to enact legislation, deliver programs and services, consult with stakeholders on proposed government action, and work with First Nations and other governments on matters of mutual importance. It would be democratically retrograde for Parliament to step back in and unilaterally legislate from afar on matters that have been devolved to Yukon and in respect of which Yukoners have a legitimate expectation will be dealt with by their elected territorial representatives. Th at Yukon has only one Member of Parliament in the 338 seat House of Commons brings into clear focus the democratic defi ciencies that would be associated with federal legislation on matters of a local nature.
While the Sewel convention, as with any convention, is not strictly enforceable in the courts, 250 the UK Supreme Court recently acknowledged the importance of it in "facilitating harmonious relationships between the UK Parliament and the devolved legislatures." 251 Even though Westminster still has the jurisdiction "to legislate in devolved fi elds, it has generally accepted the convention that it will not do so." 252 A similar approach is suggested here. Both the principle of sovereignty and the evolving convention challenge a strict positivist assertion of the absolute legal authority of Parliament. 253 While Parliament retains the jurisdiction to legislate on any matter in Yukon, the legitimacy of any such action requires a balance between the political and the legal.

Part VI. Th e New Canadian Constitutional Universe
Based on the three pillars of functionality, permanence, and sovereignty, Yukon is normatively as close to being a province on the constitutional continuum as possible without constitutional amendment. However, the question remains as to how the Canadian federation can appropriately account for this or indeed for the other territories. A further layer of complexity arises because the traditional view of the Canadian federation does not easily accommodate Indigenous governments either.
It is suggested in this Part that an expanded view of the Canadian constitutional universe is required, which is inclusive and democratic, and which can accommodate a constellation of members, despite diff erences in status and authorities.

A. Th e Constitution-in-Practice
A constitution is a framework that serves as the platform to "constitute a political order and allow people engaged in politics to do things within that order." 254 Constitutional interpretation is the means by which the constitutional order legitimately changes and adapts overtime 255 as refl ected in the description of the Canadian Constitution as a "living tree." 256 Bell conceptualizes "vectors" along which constitutional change may occur. 257 Th e fi rst is the "legal constitution," which is revised when changed by means that it contemplates, such as amendment of the text or judicial interpretation. 258 Th ere have been some revisions of the Canadian Constitution through amendment, the most signifi cant in 1982. 259 Revision has also occurred as a result of judicial interpretation. Th e explicit terms of the Constitution Act, 1867 that granted sweeping powers to the federal government appear to establish only a partially federal system. 260 But as the Supreme Court noted in the Secession Reference, "a review of the written provisions … does not provide the entire picture." 261 Th e principle of federalism is a "response to underlying social and political realities" 262 and has played a key role in the interpretation of the written text of the Constitution by the courts. 263 Th e decisions of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council had a deep impact as key members "believed strongly in provincial rights, and they elevated the provinces to coordinate status with the Dominion." 264 Th ese judicial interpretations revised the Constitution even though the text was not amended.
A further vector along which revision may occur is the "political constitution," 265 which "sits alongside or even behind the legal constitution" 266 and refl ects "the fundamental agreements on which the polity understands itself to be able to hold together." 267 As Hogg notes, a federal nation could not survive and be successful without a means to adapt its constitution. 268 Most major change does not occur through the courts or through amendments. 269 As a country, Canada has changed tremendously since Confederation. Not only has the geographic area and population expanded, but dominant industries have also changed and grown. Technology has revolutionized transportation and communications. Government services have multiplied. Society today is more modern, pluralistic, and urban. Th rough all of this, the text of the Constitution has changed very little 270 and for the most part only incremental change has come from judicial interpretation. 271 Instead, in Canada, "cooperative federalism" 272 has been one means "to allow a continuous redistribution of powers and resources without recourse to the courts or the amending process." 273 Balkin employs the expression "constitution-in-practice" 274 to describe "how the constitution considered as an on-going institution operates at any point in time" 275 given the various adaptations made to meet the demands of the modern world. It is suggested that an interpretation today that accords a degree of permanence and sovereignty for Yukon based on its representative and responsible governance structures and democratic rights of Yukoners can be viewed as a revision of the political constitution of Canada. Framing it this way supplies a model for considering the place of Yukon in Canada in a way that acknowledges the "social and political realities" 276 that underpin the constitution-in-practice in the same way those realities shaped the interpretation of the principle of federalism in determining provincial authority.
Before proceeding any further with this analysis, however, there needs to be a word about Yukon's provincial aspirations. Why "settle" for revision of the political constitution instead of pursuing constitutional amendment and full-fl edged provincehood?
Since the "patriation" of the Constitution, establishment of a new province now requires approval of the House of Commons, the Senate, and two-thirds of the provincial legislatures representing at least half of the population of all of the provinces. 277 Th is is a high, perhaps unattainable, threshold and was not required for the establishment of any of the six post-Confederation provinces 278 that were admitted by the federal government acting alone. 279 As Robertson describes it, these are now "'black ball' rules as eff ective as any club could want." 280 Th e Yukon government unsuccessfully challenged the requirement for provincial agreement to territories becoming provinces in the context of the Meech Lake Accord in 1987 281 viewing it as "a substantial breach of faith and democratic principles with the people of the territorial North." 282 Yukon was not seeking provincial status, but rather the right to gain it at the appropriate time, under terms comparable to those that applied to the other provinces. 283 Th e Court decided the issue was not justiciable though, with the result that "any path to provincehood for the territories" 284 has all but disappeared.
However, even if "joining the club" remained a viable legal option, it is not clear that attainment of provincehood, or at least provincehood as we understand it today, should be the goal. Robertson argues that "the fi nancial regime of the provinces does not remotely fi t the North" 285 and would require a change, or a special deal for the territories, which would be "a very large order indeed." 286 Moreover, given the demographics and First Nation treaties and self-governments, political structures that best suit the circumstances of the territory may not conform to the provincial template. 287 So while conventional provincial status may be the norm for a subnational government, it does not have to be, and likely would not be the best option for Yukon.
Instead, devolution has been the means to accommodate the democratic aspirations of Yukoners. Often, devolution and federalism are theorized as alternative options in a unitary state such as the UK, with devolution sometimes viewed as the "poor cousin" 288 to federalism. However, while "devolution is, in principle, more hierarchical" than federalism, "the distinction is less clear in practice." 289 Indeed in the UK context, Bogdanor suggests that "in practical political terms, the categories almost merge … and yield a 'quasi-federal' system of government." 290 Aroney refers to this as "devolutionary federalism." 291 In Canada it can be said that both formal federalism and devolutionary federalism are at work and inform the constitution-in-practice.

B. Asymmetrical Federalism
Devolutionary federalism and a new vision of the constitution-in-practice challenges the traditional dualistic federal/provincial view of Canada where the territories have been viewed as anomalous peripheral polities subject to the will of Parliament. It also leads one to consider how best to imagine a federation that can accommodate diff erences among the constituent members.
With respect to the issue of equality, there has long been a "profound ideological debate" 292 in Canada about "special status" for any of the provinces 293 and steadfast adherence to the mantra that a "province is a province is a province." 294 However, Canada is a "complex multi-level" 295 state and the question of equality among the provinces is not straightforward.
Th ere are immanent stresses and strains on equality as events of the recent past attest to, including attempts to accommodate Quebec's national claim, the failed Meech Lake Accord discussions, and the rejection of the Charlottetown Accord. 296 Th ere are also sharp horizontal asymmetries among the provinces in terms of infl uence, economic power, wealth, population, and geography. 297 Th e constitutional situation of the provinces is not identical either. 298 Some sections of the Constitution apply "to only one or only some of the provinces" 299 and the terms of union for a province generally had unique terms enforceable only against that province. 300 However, as Hogg notes, "the diff erences are not so marked as to justify the description of "special status" for any province." 301 Despite these existing asymmetries, the narrative of equality dominates in relation to the subnational governments. 302 Often overlooked, however, is the asymmetry occasioned by the subordinate constitutional status of Yukon and the other territories. While not having the same rank as the provinces, the territories occupy an important part of the Canadian mosaic as refl ected in the observation of the Supreme Court, that "since Confederation, the people of the provinces and territories have created close ties of interdependence (economically, socially, politically, and culturally) based on shared values." 303 Th e asymmetry is further enhanced because there are inter-territorial legal distinctions as well. While Yukon obtained control over its natural resources in 2003, the Northwest Territories had to wait until 2014 to assume these responsibilities. Nunavut has not yet done so and "is unlikely to do so in the near future." 304 Th e texts of the Acts establishing each of the territories have some important variations. 305 Because Nunavut was established as the result of a federal commitment in the Inuit land claim agreement, this may mean there is "a level of protection from unilateral or arbitrary repeal by Parliament" 306 that is diff erent than protections for Yukon or the Northwest Territories.
One must also consider that First Nation treaties and self-government agreements are examples of asymmetrical arrangements alongside the conventional structure of the federation. Th ey provide for self-government and First Nation citizenship, and at the same time confi rm that members of First Nations have rights as Canadian citizens and as residents of their province or territory.
So while the provinces may strive for formal equality among members of the provincial "club," 307 asymmetry is already a fact of life in the Canadian constitutional milieu.

C. Th e Constitutional Constellation
Rather than a linear constitutional continuum where "status" at the subnational level is the defi ning feature and provincehood the presumed goal, or a binary vision of the federation comprised only of provinces and the federal government, it is perhaps more helpful to conceive of the Canadian constitutional universe as a constellation comprised of the federal government, provinces, territories, and Indigenous governments. Members of the array do not necessarily all have equal authorities or roles, but all are important parts of the federal cluster.
While most of the provincial components of this universe may currently desire equality among themselves, the broader constitutional universe so imagined recognizes and can accommodate asymmetries that would not only recognize natural diff erences (such as size, population, history, etc.) among the units of a federation, but also formal diff erences in law among the units either with respect to jurisdictional powers and duties, the shape of central institutions, or the application of national laws and programs. 308 Moreover, the place of the constituent members in the constellation is not necessarily fi xed for all time 309 but can be subject to ongoing change driven by "political and pragmatic discussions about the appropriate locus of political decision making." 310 Th e constitution-in-practice is fl uid and evolving. Th is approach gives meaningful expression to the democracy principle and Yukon's place in the federation. It can also accommodate diff erences among the territories. Th e principle of protection of minorities is also recognized by "making space" 311 for Indigenous governments "to participate in the governance of the federation." 312 It respects the principle of federalism and the division of powers between the federal government and the provinces, but also recognizes that the Canadian constitution needs to adapt so that it is broadly and inclusively refl ective of the principles that underpin it.
While the provincial blueprint informed the creation and functions of Yukon, in the reimagined constitutional universe we should now avoid the impulse to constantly compare it with a province and defi ne Yukon by what it is not. Rather, Yukon should be viewed normatively as one of the members of the federal constellation with the power to forge its own future and the potential to be a leader in Canada in respect of advancing reconciliation with Indigenous peoples. At the same time, Yukon can participate fully with the other members, including Indigenous governments, in governing the federation in a mutually benefi cial manner.

Part VII. Conclusion
Yukon is now a distinct demos and important territorial site of democratic governance in Canada that normatively is accorded permanence and sovereignty. At the same time, the majority of Yukon First Nations have entered into modern treaties and self-government agreements, which create a solid and unique foundation for governance into the future. Th ere are not many places in the world that have undergone "the intensity of peaceful … change that has occurred in the Canadian North." 313 Th e political and legal revisions occasioned by "devolutionary federalism" 314 and Indigenous self-government are "state-building constructions" 315 and have created new realities on the ground.
However, the traditional binary view of the federation as comprised only of a central government and ten provinces has not kept pace. Wheare's federal principle is no longer in practice a comprehensive guide to the Canadian federation. Th e normative constitutional framework needs to embrace a broader vision of the nation to explain and accommodate the place of Yukon and the other territories, and make space for participation by Indigenous peoples in governance in the federation.
Invoking our "constitutional imagination" 316 to view the Canadian constitutional universe as a constellation, where status is not the lodestar and asymmetries in the array are permitted, off ers an alternative perception of our lived experience 317 and helps to achieve a more complete confederation.
Innovation through interpretation resulting in changes to the constitutionin-practice is not a new phenomenon in Canada, and is essential to the continued success of the country. Th is approach does not undermine the Constitution or the principles that underpin it. Indeed it sustains democracy and the protection of minorities and is refl ective of federalism through recognition of those same "underlying social and political realities" 318 that have shaped the Constitution to date. Th e position and authorities of the provinces and the federal government are respected though the universe in which they operate has expanded. A more inclusive approach to federalism is the basis for a continuing democratic and just society in Canada and a means to eff ectively address the challenges of the twentyfi rst century. Th e term "federal government" is used in a general sense in this article to denote either the central legislative body of Parliament or the federal executive government. Th e term "Ottawa" is also used to describe the federal government or Parliament given that this is the capital of Canada and seat of the federal government.

4.
A reference to a province in this article means the legislative and executive political entity that governs a geographic area.

5.
Constitution Th e term "Yukon" is used in the current Yukon Act, SC 2002, c 7. In previous versions, the term "the Yukon Territory" was used. In this article, the term "Yukon" is used to mean either Yukon as a political entity or the geographical land mass. Th e context will make clear which meaning is intended. 8.
Th e term "public" in relation to government is used in this article to denote structures of government applicable to all residents as distinguished from Indigenous selfgovernment. See also Kirk Cameron and Graham White, Northern Governments in Transition: Political and Constitutional Development in the Yukon, Nunavut and the Western Northwest Territories (Montreal: Th e Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1995) at 4. 9.
Th e term "territories" is used in this article to describe the political entities of Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut unless the context otherwise indicates. 10.
In this article, the expression "the North" means Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut.

11.
Constitution Act, 1982, Part II -Rights of the Aboriginal Peoples of Canada, s 35, defi nes "aboriginal peoples of Canada" to include Indian, Inuit, and Métis peoples of Canada. However, the term "First Nation" is often used to describe Aboriginal peoples who are "Indians" or their government. Th e term "Indigenous" is often used in place of "Aboriginal." 12.
Ian Despite exclusive legislative authority, the doctrines of double aspect and pith and substance enable this-see Hogg, supra note 6 at 484. 74.

78.
Th e Bill in question was an Executive Council Act. Th e federal government was concerned that it enshrined in territorial legislation principles of responsible and Cabinet governance ahead of amendments to the Yukon Act by Parliament.
Prosecutions of criminal off ences, which are delegated by the federal government under the Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c C-46 to the provinces, are still conducted by the federal government in Yukon. All industrial relations (other than for the Yukon public service) including those that would normally be regulated by a province, are still regulated federally under Part 1 of the Canada Labour Code, RSC 1985, c L-2, which predates the 2003 devolution. Neither of these programs has been a devolution priority for the Yukon government to date.