The Northern
Review 51 (2021): 5–33
https://doi.org/10.22584/nr51.2021.001
Research
Article
Re-establishing their Lives: Issues Relating to
Affordable Housing for Women Escaping Violent Intimate Partner Relationships in
Northern Manitoba
Abstract:
Housing affordability is a significant
and growing issue across northern Manitoba communities. One population impacted
by the lack of safe and affordable housing is women (and their children)
leaving violent and abusive relationships. Through in-depth qualitative interviews
with fourteen women staying in women’s shelters in the cities of Thompson and
Winnipeg, Manitoba, this research project focused on exploring the journeys
women make as they seek safety and shelter for themselves and their children,
and their reasons for making these transitions. The women’s interviews
revealed: 1) the centrality of the notion of
home for women establishing safety for themselves
and their children; and 2) the complex transitions and geographic moves that
women make in search of the idea of home
and safety. The stories of their journeys point to severe issues regarding availability
of affordable, safe housing in northern
Manitoba, the lack of northern transportation services to access shelters, and
the significant absence of formal support on First Nation communities.
The research reiterates that there is a
need for proactive service responses to violence against women and children.
Such a coordinated response needs to begin in the northern communities
themselves, with links to regional services and supports when appropriate.
The availability
of affordable housing is a significant and growing issue across northern
communities (FemNorthNet, 2012; TEDWG, 2012). Meanwhile, a recent report by
Statistics Canada identifies that northern Manitoba has the second-highest rate
of violence against young women and girls in northern Canada (Rotenberg, 2019).
Each of these issues is a significant problem on its
own. Together, the lack of health and social services and
the scarcity of affordable housing means that women in northern Manitoba must
travel long distances—often on limited-access roads, or by rail
or expensive air travel—and make repeated moves and transitions within and
between their home communities and larger urban centres (Bonnycastle et al.,
2015; Rea et al., 2008; Rude & Thompson, 2001; Wuerch et al., 2019). Such
transitions in search of safe housing and supportive services create a further
crisis and upheaval in women’s lives, often including the involvement of child
protective services (Jones & Smith, 2011; Novac, 2007). For Indigenous
women, these searches and transitions place them in greater danger and separate
them from their families and home communities.
Through in-depth
interviews with fourteen women, all of whom were mothers and thirteen of whom
were Indigenous, we examined how the current lack of affordable housing and the
absence of a coordinated service response in northern Manitoba affect women and
their children as they escape violent relationships. The area of Manitoba that is
the focus
in our research and this article is defined as the region located
north of the 53rd
parallel, which approximates the boundaries of Treaty 5 and includes forty-two
First Nations
reserves, thirteen industrial towns, and fifty-six unincorporated communities
(Freylejer, 2012).
The current body
of literature demonstrates that women who experience violence encounter
significant barriers to accessing safe and appropriate housing, especially for
those living in northern communities (Bonnycastle et al., 2015; Rea et al.,
2008; Rude & Thompson, 2001; Wuerch et al., 2019). Through our research, we
explored how these barriers impact women from northern communities,
investigating both the geographic moves women make as they seek safety and
shelter for themselves and their children, and their reasons for making these
transitions. We conclude this section with a brief note on our social location.
All of the authors are non-Indigenous and live in Winnipeg. Two of the
authors have spent
considerable
time living, teaching, and doing research in northern Manitoba. Three of the
authors have previously done research with the women’s shelter in Thompson and
the lead author was also on its board for many years.
Literature Review
Though intimate
partner violence (IPV) and housing insecurities are independent issues and each
worthy of discussion on their own, the two are connected with violence and
often play a significant role in women’s experiences of homelessness (Drabble
& McInnes, 2017). The threat of homelessness can be an ever-present concern
in places where access to housing is, in its own right, a challenge.
Understanding this complex problem in the Canadian North requires that it be
explored in the context of the “unique geographic, economic, political and
cultural features” of women’s experiences in these communities (Moffitt et al.,
2013, p. 2). For example, the Native Women’s Association
of Canada (NWAC) states that understanding intimate partner violence in the
North requires consideration of the “disproportionate burden of housing
challenges placed on Indigenous women [due to] the long-lasting impacts of the
Indian Act policies and the intergenerational trauma experienced by Indigenous
peoples as a consequence of violent settler colonialism” (NWAC, 2019, p. 3). Rauna
Kuokkanen (2015) adds that “there is a pressing need to examine the ways in
which gendered violence is explained, addressed, and often sanctioned in
Indigenous communities” (p. 272). Further, the National Inquiry into Missing
and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls noted that safe housing is an essential
part of any plans to address violence against Indigenous women and girls
(NIMMIWG, 2019). Such actions would strengthen gender and housing as central
cores in the move towards mitho-pimatisiwin, a “northern Woodland
Cree term that means ‘the good life,’ in reference to the overall quality of
life or well-being that is culturally embedded in a northern way of life”
(Beatty & Weber-Beeds, 2013, p. 113).
Domestic Violence in the North
Few studies have explored
intimate partner violence in the northern and rural context (Dreaddy, 2002;
Peek-Asa et
al., 2010;
Rotenberg, 2019; Wickham, 2013; Wuerch et al., 2019). In Canada, women in rural
and northern locations experience more instances of physical violence, more
severe physical violence, and higher rates of psychological abuse, and are at
greater risk for intimate partner homicide than women in urban communities
(Hampton, 2015; NCCAH, 2009; Peek-Asa et al., 2010; Wuerch et al., 2019). There
are several reasons for this increased rate of victimization outlined in the
literature, including increased access to firearms, lack of affordable
transportation, lack of formal support services, issues with access to shelters
and transition houses, lack of employment or educational opportunities,
isolation, gender inequalities, the complexity of community and family
dynamics, and the unwillingness of communities to view domestic violence as a
problem deserving attention (Goudreau, 2011; NCCAH, 2009; Nixon et al., 2015; NWAC,
2019).
Moffitt and
Fikowski (2017) describe a culture of “violence and silence” that women in
rural and northern communities experience, where violence is “almost expected
and accepted” as a part of family life (p. 25–26). Cultural and social beliefs
about relationships and family dynamics, non-interference by outside parties in
perceived family-matters, and the role of men in relationships and the
household are part of a complex system of values that often discourage women
from seeking support (RESOLVE, 2015; Wuerch et al., 2019). There are also
concerns about confidentiality and the lack of anonymity of support services in
small communities. Women may
be reluctant
to access resources, either because of their own or their abuser’s connection
to the service provider or because of an abuser’s connection to those
in
positions of power or influence in the community (Goudreau, 2011). In terms of
Indigenous women’s experiences, secure connection to family and community can
be both sustaining as well as constraining in complicated ways (Wendt &
Zannettino, 2015), and ongoing colonialism and dispossession are contributing
factors in such narratives (Holmes & Hunt, 2017).
Getting to Shelter
Women also face
additional geographic barriers to accessing services in rural and northern
locations. For example, of the sixty-three distinct First Nations
communities in Manitoba, there are only five federally funded, on-reserve
women’s shelters (Barghout, 2020). Wuerch et al. (2019) highlight
some of the critical issues with transportation in northern communities, where
the existence of roads can be seasonal, road conditions can depend on weather
conditions, and access to public transportation is limited. Communities with
limited road access may only have the expensive option of air travel. As such,
those who do not have access to a vehicle or the finances needed to purchase
other transportation may be unable to leave a community to escape domestic
violence (Wuerch et al., 2019). The timeliness of transportation is also a
concern as women residing in remote, fly-in communities may need to wait days
for transportation, or for service providers such as police and first
responders (Shepherd, 2001; Wuerch et al., 2019). There is always a concern for
the safety of women when they call for assistance or transportation, and while
they wait for it to arrive (Moffitt et al., 2013; Shepherd, 2001).
On-Reserve Housing
Housing is a
problem for Indigenous people,
both on-
and
off-reserve, and housing insecurity is an additional challenge that Indigenous
women face when leaving abusive relationships (NWAC, 2019; Yerichuk et al.,
2016). The “quality, safety and affordability” of on-reserve housing is a particularly
pressing issue, as the demand for housing increases faster than construction
can meet either the need for renovations or the need for new housing (Gaetz et
al., 2014, p. 34). The minimal priority given to First Nations on-reserve
housing is clear, evidenced by the lack of plumbing and electricity, poor
insulation, mould, substandard construction, and lack of repairs
(Belanger et al., 2012). Patrick (2014) connects these issues to financial
challenges faced by many Indigenous households, noting that one-third of
on-reserve households who were living in unacceptable housing did not have
sufficient income to access better options. The combined effects of substandard
housing,
lack of financial resources, and a general shortage of housing units contribute
to overcrowding and families moving off-reserve (Belanger et al., 2012).
Matrimonial Real Property Act
The
lack of housing available in most reserve communities also has a gendered
dynamic. In the past, women trying to secure their own houses were held back by
the lack of federal and provincial
legal clarity regarding
marital real property on reserve (Canada, 2003). For example, under the federal
Indian Act, provincial and territorial laws regarding marital property
do not apply on reserve land. Moreover, until recently, the Indian Act
did not have specific provisions of its own on the issue (Joseph, 2018; Kelm
& Smith, 2018). Therefore, housing policy was often left to local (often
male-dominated) First Nation council decisions—situations that often left women
in an unclear position regarding their rights to housing (NWAC, 2007). As
Eberts (2017) states:
A woman leaving an abusive marriage
usually could not get her own reserve residence. Unless they could move in with
another on-reserve family member, she and her children would have to leave the
reserve, another instance of exile and family fragmentation being caused by the
Indian
Act. (p. 84)
The federal Family
Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act,
known as the Matrimonial Real Property Act
(MRPA), came into effect in December 2014.
It
replaced archaic parts of the Indian Act. The
MRPA applies to all common-law or married couples who live on a reserve, where
at least one partner is a member of the First Nation (NALMA,
2017; NWAC,
2015). In other words, it refers to a house or land that a couple occupies, or
benefits from, when they are or were married or in a
common-law relationship. The Act provides rights and protections to individuals
living on reserve regarding the family home during a relationship and in the
event of a relationship breakdown or death of a spouse or common-law partner
(Fiser & Pendakur, 2018). Under this statute, each First Nation can create
their own matrimonial real property law, but
until they do, the new federal Act applies.
A key concern here with
this new legislation is the lack of accompanying community supports and financial
provisions needed to provide women with legal recourse for interim possession
of an on-reserve home. For example, a woman may be able to get a restraining
order against an abusive partner but she is not able to get exclusive
possession of the marital home unless she is already the sole person on the
certificate of possession (Patrick, 2014). Such examples led us to include a question
regarding the possible effects of the new federal legislation on the lives of
the women we interviewed.
It was clear
after completing the literature review that there was a strong need to further
build on the link between intimate partner violence and housing insecurities in
northern Manitoba. It was also clear that this research should focus on the
issue through the voices of the women directly affected. The next section briefly states how we
went about doing that.
Methodology
To
understand women’s experiences with housing and their experiences of abuse in
northern Manitoba,
we conducted a qualitative study that used Cyndy Baskin’s
medicine wheel (2007) as a conceptual framework to collect and analyze data
(see Figure 1). Baskin’s
original work focused on structural determinants as the causes of homelessness
amongst Indigenous youth in Toronto. Following her success, we thought a
similar cultural-based methodology could be used as
a tool to research experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV)
and
housing insecurity and instability in northern Manitoba. Applying the medicine
wheel allowed us to focus our interview questions on the four directions;
looking back to the participant’s past challenges and barriers in attempts to
create and sustain safe housing, and then shifting direction to ask about their
present experiences with their partners and their future hopes and dreams for
themselves and their children.
We
developed an extensive literature review (Groening et al., 2019), completed
demographic information, and conducted semi-structured interviews with fourteen
women from northern Manitoba communities who were residing in women’ss shelters
in two urban centres—Winnipeg, a large urban city in southern Manitoba with an
approximate population of 750,000, and Thompson, an industrial mining town in
northern Manitoba with an approximate population of 12,000.
Figure 1. Medicine Wheel research, adapted from Baskin (2007)
A group
orientation to the research project was set up at each of the shelters. At
those meetings, we discussed with the women the intent of the project, what was
required of them, and the informed consent process and honorarium. With the
help of agency staff, individual interviews were set up with those women
interested in participating further in the study. Child-care
services were
offered during the interviews. The women were shown the medicine wheel diagram
and asked a series of in-depth and open-ended questions relating to areas that
followed each of its four directions (Baskin, 2007). This orientation helped to
focus the interview on prominent areas of the woman’s life: the sense of home,
past experiences, present situation, and future dreams. In this way, the
medicine wheel methodology served as a structure for analysis.
Interviews were digitally recorded,
transcribed verbatim, and entered into a qualitative computer analysis program
(NVivo 11) by a trained research assistant. The four themes of the interview
questions (sense of home, past experiences, current situation, and future
dreams) guided the initial coding of the interview content. Additional
preliminary codes and categories were identified by reading each of the
transcripts (i.e., first-level coding). Data placed into each of these broad
codes were then reviewed to identify themes within the large coding categories.
The codes and categories were compared continuously and developed through a
fluid and circular process whereby incidents were compared to each category and
previous incidents (Keddy et al., 1996), thereby further developing
relationships and themes in the data. Finally, the broader research team
reviewed the coding to identify additional vital codes, themes, and
relationships. In order to ensure anonymity, participant names were replaced
with a number and the location of the interview.
Results
The participant
demographics are
summarized in Table 1. The average age of participants was
twenty-eight years,
and 93% came from a First Nation community. In addition, the demographics
highlight that all participants had children, ranging from one child to eight,
with the average number being three. Twenty-three children
accompanied their mother to the shelter, and three of the participants were pregnant
at the time of the interview, which reaffirms the need to consider children as
an integral part of any interventions for women experiencing intimate partner
violence in northern Manitoba. We
speak more to this relationship below.
Table
1. Participant Demographics
The following sections focus on the women’s stories, each section using one of
the four directions of the medicine wheel methodology (Baskin, 2007).
1.
Sense of Home
The
first set of interview questions asked the women to reflect on what the word
“home” meant to them and what communities and experiences are connected to
their idea of being home. Four main themes emerged, revealing that participants
describe “home” as more than just “four walls and a roof”—it is connected to
family, community, culture, and safety.
Home Is Where Family Is
The importance of
family connections was found throughout the responses to our first set of
interview questions. Two participants spoke of positive childhood memories of
home, where they felt safe and cared for by their caregivers. Eleven others
connected their idea of home to being with family; as one participant stated:
“Home, to me means having your own place with your family. To be safe. Just to
have your family around. I guess, to have your own place, your own space”
(Thompson 6). Another woman’s sense of home was described in terms of what had
been lost because of the impacts of domestic violence: “It doesn’t really feel
like home anymore since I left. It doesn’t feel like home because of what I was
going through, and my kids too, what they were seeing” (Winnipeg 11). A third
participant highlighted that relationships with family and community members
were an essential aspect of her meaning of home and were also crucial to her
work role.
Community & Culture
Three
participants spoke of home in terms of their connection to a particular
community.
For
example, the community where one woman’s children were born and
raised was
home, “because that’s where I have my kids, so that was where I felt more at
home” (Thompson 2). For two women, their geographic place
provides
an unchanging meaning of home: “Obviously up north is always home. I grew up
there all my life, and it’s always going to be home there” (Winnipeg 12). For
one woman, culture and language were essential to her meaning of home, and she
described the impact that leaving her community had on her sense of identity:
My values [and] my beliefs are important
for my children. Just keeping my ethnicity strong by using my language, I feel
like you’re more in tune with getting around in the community if you are fluent
in your language. Coming to Thompson is different, definitely. (Thompson 3)
Safety
Having
a safe place to be with family was a common descriptor of home. As one
participant described, “A home is … its safe being there, but at the same time,
it’s not really that kind of safe to be out there. Because my partner used to
come around and just walk in” (Thompson 7). Another woman described her vision
of home in contrast to her experiences of abuse:
[Home] would mean, I guess, loved ones
and safety—that you’re safe there, that you’re not vulnerable, that you’re not
going to get abused, you’re not going to get hurt, that you’re not going to get
thrown out, that you’re not going to get anything—you know, safe. You don’t
have to worry. You’re safe. (Thompson 9)
A
third woman spoke of a sense of nostalgia, or loss, for the feeling of home she
had, knowing that it was currently not a safe place for her and her children:
I will always miss my hometown and all,
but that’s where my ex-boyfriend stays. So, I should say that it’s not safe right
now, especially for my kids. I thought about going back, giving up, like, leave
this place where I’m staying. But, I think back at the times when my
ex-boyfriend used to do violence, especially in front of my kids. So, I should
say that back home, it is not safe to go back. But, I will miss it and love my
hometown, and my family in it. (Thompson 2)
2.
Past Experiences
The second set of
interview questions asked the participants about their past experiences of
housing and abuse using the following prompt: Besides your most recent move
here, in the past, have you moved to other communities? Women were asked to
list up to three communities, and if Winnipeg was among them, to share the area
of the city that they lived in. Their responses relate to five significant
themes: multiple moves and housing instability, safety for themselves and their
children, housing (un)availability, partner influence, and the need for support
and resources.
Multiple Moves and Housing Instability
Most
participants described a pattern of moving multiple times. These moves occurred
in both childhood and adulthood; within their communities and between
communities, from northern communities to urban centres, and in some cases, a
return to their home communities. Women moved between the homes of parents,
grandparents, partners or former partners and their parents, aunties, uncles,
and friends. As an example, one participant stated:
Cause I had no place to go, had no place
to live and I had two young children back then, move back and forth … then you
know, just didn’t get along with family and you know, then had to move. It
would be like a month we’d be at one place. (Thompson 4)
Moves
among family members encompassed moves within communities and between
communities in southern and northern parts of Manitoba. For some, this pattern
of moving dates back to childhood: “My mom was moving everywhere. We always
moved into a different place every four years or something” (Thompson 10).
Another woman shared that growing up in foster care meant constant moves: I
couldn’t really know [how many times] because it started when I was six years
old with CFS [Child and Family Services]” (Winnipeg 13). Another woman noted
that she “had a good home … growing up—when I turned 16 the pattern of moves
began, when I met this first guy. He was so abusive” (Thompson 7).
Safety for Themselves and Their Children
Women
linked the moves they made as adults to the physical, verbal, and emotional
abuse they experienced from their partner or ex-partner, or to conflict with
other family members. Participants spoke about having to choose between housing
and safety, and how family violence played a significant role in this decision.
Three women spoke about partner and family violence as something they felt they
had to put up with, as they had nowhere else to live. As one shared: “I had
really nowhere else to turn … I just had to put [up] with my partner or stay on
his good side as best as I could” (Thompson 1). Often, the impact on children
was part of the decision to move. Physical violence, concerns about them
witnessing violence, and providing a better quality of life were some of the
factors taken into consideration. As one woman explained:
I looked at my kids and realized that
they were more important. I have three sons, and I don’t want my sons growing
up thinking [violence is] all right. So, I’m just trying to steer them toward a
better future. (Winnipeg 14)
For
some participants, the decision to leave was not entirely their choice. One
participant, in a shelter in Winnipeg, stated that her child welfare worker
gave her the ultimatum of leaving the relationship or having her children
removed from her care: “If I wanted to be with him, the kids would be taken
away. And I didn’t want that. So, I made a choice to come here and to leave
him” (Winnipeg 11).
Housing Availability
Participants
had lived in varied housing situations. Because of housing unavailability,
seven women had lived in shared accommodations with their parents, siblings,
cousins, and their partner’s extended family, which often meant overcrowded
living situations. When asked how many people might be living in the house, one
woman replied: “Oh, about nine or ten, and it was only three rooms” (Thompson
4).
Another woman commented, “Yeah. Our homes in our communities are
so crowded. There can be three families or four families living in one house”
(Winnipeg 12). Some participants were forced to make the choice to live with
family members, though this was perceived as a temporary option. One woman
described this arrangement: “[It’s] okay for a while, then, you know, just
didn’t get along with family and then had to move” (Thompson 4). Crowded
housing situations often led to frequent moves, which had impacts on both the
women and their children. For the children, these frequent moves can often lead
to instability in their development and education.
Partner Influence
Two
participants spoke about their experiences returning to an abusive
relationship. For both women, their partner’s promises and the women’s hopes
for change contributed to the decision, but, in both cases, the violence
continued. One woman’s partner had been incarcerated, and she returned to the
relationship upon his release:
I thought he
would change if he went to jail and thought of it in there. I thought he would
think twice before doing it again. But then it got worse. He got worse when he
came out. I stayed with him for 7 years and I dealt with his shit all
the time. I dealt with it for 7 years, and was so scared every day.
(Thompson 5)
The
second woman described a similar experience: “he promised things would be
different. I believed it, but it just spiralled back to the same situation, the
same abuse, and lies” (Thompson 8).
Need for Support and Resources
Almost
all of the women (i.e., twelve out of fourteen) spoke about seeking assistance
from informal supports, which encompassed a variety of physical, social, and
emotional supports from family and friends, including advice on relationships
and resources, childcare, and even temporary housing. Unfortunately, not all
the women had the support of family or friends, and some women had family
members who did not want to become involved in the situation. For some of the
women, few (if any) formal services existed in their home communities.
Some
reported seeking and receiving formal support in their home community from the
RCMP, the nursing station or health care centre, and women’s resource centres.
Five participants received assistance from a child welfare worker, and despite
the fear of their children being apprehended, three felt supported by their
workers. One participant’s worker drove her to the shelter when she had no
other means of transportation. One woman expressed frustration with the lack of
support available for women to escape violence when supports are available only
after
episodes of violence:
There should be some kind of agency for
women to leave their partner, and to get them to a safer place. Instead of them
getting, like, wait for them to get really beaten up, for the nursing station
to send them out here. (Winnipeg 12)
Eight of the
Indigenous participants stated that they sought assistance from their First
Nation, though for most, this was not a supportive process. One woman reported
that her First Nation wanted to hear “both sides of the story” before providing
any aid (Winnipeg 12). Three others recalled their experiences with First
Nation policies; two described policies that restricted eligibility
for housing to married couples. One participant felt this was rooted in
Christian religious beliefs held in the community. “You have to get married to
have your own home out there. [The First Nation members] do not support living
with each other; they won’t accept that. Their religion out there is strong”
(Winnipeg 12). The second woman described the
impact of these policies on her decision to leave her community:
The only way you can
get a house from there is only if you’re married. So that’s one of the big
problems with it, and that’s one of the reasons why I left because I don’t want
to get married or get abused for a lifetime too. Like, what if that continued
and we’re married, what if that happens and he kills me? … I don’t want to get
married just to have a home of my own out there. And just live my life like
that, I don’t want that way. (Winnipeg 02)
The First Nation,
or chief and members of council, were seen as gatekeepers to housing, and some
women talked about forms of nepotism and favouritism there. For example, when
asked about her struggles to get First Nation housing, one participant stated,
“I
think it’s because the relations … you have to know a council member or chief …
and you have to have a good relationship with them to be looked at” (Winnipeg
14).
In
the absence of services, women often had to leave their home communities in
order to seek assistance: “[In my community there is] not even temporary
shelters. They’ve always just wanted to ship us out, you know, not everybody
wants to leave” (Thompson 1). Another woman noted that housing in Winnipeg was
more available than in her community—“most people are doing that today … Like,
[women] need their own space with their kids. Most of them come out [to
Winnipeg] too, just to get their own place” (Winnipeg 12).
Public housing
was a vital resource used by many of the participants. Six participants were
waiting for a unit through Manitoba Housing, and another two hoped that being
in a shelter would move them up the wait-list. The constant shortages of such
housing led some participants to focus on housing wait-lists as a
fundamental problem in their community.
3.
Present Situation
The
third set of interview questions asked the women about their present situation,
including their experience with coming to and being at the shelter. Their
responses relate to five significant themes: accessing emergency crisis
shelters, lack of affordable and accessible transportation, difficulty
accessing housing, and the impacts of leaving their home community.
Accessing Emergency Crisis Shelters
Almost
all of the participants (i.e., twelve of fourteen) sought safety at a women’s
emergency crisis shelter to escape their partner’s physical and emotional
abuse. Getting into a local shelter was not necessarily a guarantee of safety.
Two participants described the steps they took to get into a shelter further
from their home community or region. The first spoke of how her ex-partner’s
ongoing harassment prompted her to seek assistance away from her community:
I ended up going into a women’s shelter
in [home community], and then I got transferred down [to Winnipeg] because he
started getting the number to my cell phone and I had to change my number many
times. And then it started going through Facebook, he started contacting me so
I had to block him. And then I had to change my number numerous times.
(Winnipeg 14)
A second
participant stated, “It’s only a three-hour drive from [community name] to Thompson.
I’m pretty sure he would just go over there. I wanted to make sure that I was
far enough away, to stay away” (Winnipeg 14). Participants reported that, for
several reasons, the absence of available housing was not helped by the maximum
period of thirty days that they are allowed to stay in a shelter. One woman
commented that it was not enough time to both heal from the experience of
violence and abuse and find a home. Others felt it was not enough time to take
advantage of the support received from both staff and other residents of the
shelter: “I
don’t think that’s long enough, that’s why I had to go back the last time. They
only allowed 30 days, and I ran out of time” (Thompson 4).
Lack of Affordable and Accessible
Transportation
The women’s journeys
to the shelter demonstrate that geographic remoteness is a barrier to accessing
domestic violence services. The women who participated in this research were
from ten
northern
Manitoba communities, and each community has different challenges regarding access
to urban centres. Some communities are only accessible by air, and therefore
the cost and availability of transportation are of particular concern for women
residing in these remote, fly-in communities. Three participants noted they had
personally paid for their airfare. One of these women reported that although
she saved money for travel (which she hid from her abusive partner, it was not
enough to cover the fares for her and her children. Two participants were able
to obtain assistance for their travel from formal organizations; one woman was
flown out of her community by the RCMP for safety reasons, and another by the
nursing station to receive medical services. Three participants relied on
friends and family to drive them out of their communities. One of these women
added, “I don’t have a vehicle of my own, and you always have to
pay for any ride. You know, people always expect money for a ride. Yeah, I
don’t really have any support workers to give free rides” (Thompson 1).
Lingering Insecurity of Leaving Their
Home Community
During
the interviews, participants described currently feeling alone and not knowing
what they should do next. Some felt like burdens on families and friends if
they asked for a place to live. Some felt unsupported by formal supports
(notably chief and council, law enforcement, and the child welfare system).
Women felt conflicted about their options and felt they had “nowhere else to
go.” One participant described this lingering insecurity:
I felt lost, didn’t know what to do. That
was one of the reasons I had left before, and I thought I could find what I was
looking for in Winnipeg. I had tried living out there, ended up feeling the
same out there and went back to [name of community]. And that was just kind of
a back and forth thing. But then now I got to actually focus on my kids and I
can’t keep putting them through that. I want them to have a stable life and
home, and I don’t want to keep running around with them. (Thompson 8)
Although leaving
their home communities to escape violence was a stressful and challenging
experience, some participants felt relief after escaping their partner’s
violence and abuse. One participant stated, “I would say it was the best
decision I made. It was hard, but I did it” (Thompson 1). Other participants
had mixed feelings about leaving their partners and their communities. One
woman felt that life without the control of her partner was confusing. Another
participant spoke of feeling lonely, but also that she felt “light,” a sense of
freedom in having left everything back home (Winnipeg 11). Other women [at
the shelter] describe similar feelings of relief, as their partners no longer
controlled them. For other participants, entering shelter did not eliminate fear
of their partner. One stated that being in shelter put her in relative
proximity to her ex-partner’s family: “He has a lot of family out here so I
just try to stay in and avoid them” (Thompson 8).
4.
Future Dreams and Concerns
The final set of
interview questions revolved around the future, reflecting on the hopes and
concerns the women
had
for life after leaving the shelter. Their responses relate to three major
themes: future concerns, future dreams, and ambivalence of returning to their
home community. We
begin with their future concerns, with a specific focus on the women who were
residing at women shelters in Winnipeg at the time of their interviews.
Future Concerns of Living in Winnipeg
For the four
participants residing at a shelter in Winnipeg, safety after leaving the
shelter was of primary concern: “Because I know [the future housing] is not
going to have a great lock up system like this [the security system in the
shelter]. And that’s something I’m going to have to get used to” (Winnipeg 14).
This was a particular concern for the northern women who planned to reside in
Winnipeg upon leaving the shelter. They described the different sorts of
violence and risks of living in an urban centre. One participant was
fearful about exploitation: “I kind of worry, like, always
have thoughts, like what if I lose my kids, like what if they just disappear?
Just like that” (Winnipeg 11). Fear of racism was also a concern for women
staying in Winnipeg, not just for their safety but also for the impact it would
have on their children. One woman stated that “there are
more risks to being in the city than there is in the reservation. And, they
don’t teach you that in the reserve” (Winnipeg 13). Another added her concern
about racism and Indigenous women going missing:
There’s a lot of racism going on too
lately, with us First Nations … I’m kind of worried about my little guy to
witness, as a four-year-old, that he doesn’t need to witness that. And
especially for the Indigenous ladies that have been going missing too. That’s
one of the big worries. (Winnipeg 12)
Future Dreams
Having
housing, or “a roof over my head” (Thompson 4), was central to the “future
dreams” of ten participants. Some had specific hopes for their future
accommodations and the area they want to live in. One woman shared: “I’m hoping
I’ll get a house, like a house out here, not like a townhouse but a house. So,
my kids could have a nice place to live in” (Thompson 2). The safe and stable
environment they hoped for was connected to their hopes for parenting. For
example:
I want somewhere where my kids will be
safe and I want somewhere that I can … Maybe go do stuff with them, like, be a
mother. I don’t want to be scared all the time. I’m even scared to go out, to
take my kids outside. That’s how brutal he was to me … I want my own place, and
to do stuff with my kids now that I left. (Thompson 5)
Participants
talked about the various ways their life decisions would affect their goals and
the better life they and their children would have because of it. As one woman
explained:
The townhouse is just the first step. But
then after my kids are a little bit older, ’til they could go to daycare or to
school, that’s where I want to start my goals. I really want to finish my grade
12 diploma, and go to UCN [University College of the North] and finish
university too. That’s what I really, really want to do for my kids, so that
they could look up to me. Like, they could do the same, like what I did.
Especially my daughter, since she’s growing up older. I really want to set a
good example for them. Like, school, that’s the key to the future. To better
yourself … to be a better person so you won’t have to worry about stuff like,
you know, like, bills and all that. You can do that when you have an education,
get a good job. That’s what I really want to do. (Thompson 2)
Ambivalence of Returning to Their Home
Community
None of the women
interviewed had hopes of returning to their home community. Six of the women
had no interest in returning, as they referenced overcrowding in existing
housing or lack of available housing, the lack of resources, and just not
liking it in the community. One woman had a very pragmatic reason for
her choice, commenting: “I heard it’s faster to get a place in Winnipeg, that’s
why I’m transferring there. Cause I guess, here they wait like a year, or
whatnot, to get a house” (Thompson 4). The desire to look to the future, and to
“move on,” was the motivation for one woman: “I just really knew I had to start
new, start fresh. Like, I don’t, I don’t feel any need to go back” (Winnipeg
14). Other participants wanted to return home but felt they could not. Lack of
housing was one of the main reasons for this. Though many women expressed
missing their community, the fact that their partner or former partner still
resided in the community raised concerns for their safety if they were to
return. As one participant stated:
I’ll always miss my hometown and all, but
that’s where … my ex-boyfriend stays so I should say that it’s not safe right
now, especially for my kids … I thought about going back … leave this place
where I’m staying. But I think back at the times that when my ex-boyfriend used
to do violence, especially in front of my kids. So, I should say that back
home, it’s not safe to go back. But I’ll always miss it and love my hometown,
and my family in it. (Thompson 2)
Discussion—The
Women’s Journeys
The
stories of the journeys taken by the fourteen women interviewed are varied and
intertwined with their meaning of home, accessibility of supports, services,
and resources as well as housing policies. As thirteen of the women came to
women’s shelters from First Nations reserves and northern communities, their
stories are our primary focus here. Some women’s stories involved multiple
moves within their home community before entering the shelter, often shifting
moves back and forth between family members’ homes. Other stories included
moves to other northern communities before entering the shelter, often the
result of moving to their partner’s community and, in most cases, into the home
of their partner’s parents. Some stories involved previous moves to shelters,
both in the North and in Winnipeg, before returning home and eventually
returning to shelter.
Housing
instability started early on in their lives and, therefore, also in their
children’s lives. Diverse factors, such as the lack of access to independent
housing when reaching adulthood, and extended-family dynamics, were intertwined
with this finding. Women and their children often had to live with other family
members or with their partner’s parents. Such circumstances often caused or
intensified tensions between the couple as well as with other members of their
families. Along with overcrowding, this is a common theme found in northern
communities (Belanger et al., 2012; TEDWG, 2012) and may lead to a continuation
of the cycle of violence, not only for the women but also their children.
The women’s
stories also pointed to a common theme regarding the lack of formal supports
within small northern communities, which meant that they often had to rely on
whatever informal supports may have been available to them. As found in other
research, such “help-seeking can be compromised by factors like shame
associated with the violence, fear of retaliation, family and cultural
pressures to retain the family unit” (Lumby & Farrelly, 2009, p. 1). The
women’s experiences here confirm the need to increase formal on-reserve and
coordinated supports to reduce the vulnerability for women and children exposed
to domestic violence in northern Manitoba (Bonnycastle et al., 2015).
It is likely that
housing instability and displacement, along with the violence, caused multiple challenges
in other areas, including increased difficulty for the women to find jobs, gain
an education, make plans, and become empowered to re-establish their lives
(their independence). In similar ways, instability and displacement may also
impact their children’s development concerning family stability, education, and
cultural identity. Despite concerns for their safety, such circumstances may
lead women to return home because their children are missing their extended
family, communities, culture, and own environment.
On the other
hand, leaving their home communities does not necessarily resolve the housing
instability issue, as associated problems such as the lack of affordable
housing are found in the larger centres in Manitoba (i.e., Thompson and Winnipeg).
Public housing across the province (including in major centres) is often not
available and has long waiting lists. Another impediment is the limited time
women are allowed to stay at emergency crisis shelters. Although there is more
flexibility in
recent years,
most shelters work around a thirty-day maximum stay policy. This time restraint
can restrict the acquisition of services and the development of life skills for
navigating the formal systems in order to access housing, education,
employment, and transportation; it can also increase women’s vulnerability to
future violent experiences.
All of the women
shared their hopes for themselves and their children, and housing stability was
central to these future dreams. However, unintended circular mobility issues (Christensen,
2012; Kauppi et al., 2017) and lack of stable housing often had adverse effects,
both emotionally and mentally. One result was feelings of diminished likelihood
of achieving their goals. On a positive note, the move to a shelter often
brought with it a new sense of optimism. Some women, for instance, spoke of
their hopes to pursue educational or paid employment opportunities that were
not available in their home communities. Whether this optimism continued after
they left the shelter is unknown. Though the thirty-day limit has its
challenges, the supportive environment enabled the women to begin thinking
about their next steps, such as moving to another shelter, moving into a hotel,
or moving in with family. In many of the women’s circumstances, transitional
housing, or second-stage housing, could provide a more long-term option for
them (Fotheringham & Walsh, 2013; Hoffart, 2015).
Lastly, it is
important to note that all participants in our study are mothers. Throughout
the interviews, women
shared concerns for their children’s well-being and how their children impacted
their decisions to leave or return to their partner and/or home community.
Almost all of the responses involved statements about their children, revealing
their concern and that their children are
often at the centre of their decision making.
Indeed, our study echoed previous research that reveals women’s decisions about
leaving, staying, or returning to their abusive partners is centred around what
they believe is best for their children (Kelly, 2009; Zink, 2003). Women also
spoke about the impact of housing insecurity and instability on their children,
including the frequent moves and relocation outside of their home communities
(away from family, friends, and school). The stories shared by our participants
reveal their role as mothers and that caring for children is inextricably tied
to any decision they make.
Implications for Practice and Policy
There is a
definite need
in the North for increased
investment in social, rent-geared-to-income housing
to ensure housing security for the lowest-income households. Faced with the
impossible task of finding affordable housing, some
women may accede to the appeals of their abusive partner
and return to the relationship. Others may find themselves “couch
surfing” with
friends or relatives (Scott, 2008). Until recently, a Manitoba Housing priority
policy was in place to help speed up the housing process for women coming out
of a shelter. One stated reason for altering this policy was the concern that
women may be entering shelters as a shortcut to getting Manitoba Housing (MHA
personal communication, 2018). A point system is now in place, whereby several
housing circumstances are taken into consideration. Such circumstances can include
homelessness, regaining custody of children, disability, as well as domestic
violence (Manitoba Housing, 2020). One criticism is that this point system
gives minimal emphasis (points) for women leaving domestic shelters. Therefore,
it may be reinforcing long waiting lists for women leaving
shelters, a trend seen throughout Canada. Reported by the Canadian Network of
Women’s Shelters and Transition Houses (CNWSTH, 2016), “of the
shelters Canada-wide who [sic] do have access to housing programs,
96% reported a waiting period of over one month, 68% reported a waiting period
of over three months, and 36% reported a waiting period of over six months” (p.
3). Again, the federal National Housing Strategy (NHS) may help with this
problem as one of its priority areas is vulnerable Canadians, which include women
and children fleeing domestic violence (CMHC, 2020). It is unknown how much of the
strategy’s funds will be spent in northern Manitoba over the next number of
years. Though northern housing is stated to be another priority area of the
NHS, previous federal and provincial social housing policies in Canada have
disproportionately focused on large urban settings (Suttor, 2016).
A critical topic
discussed in northern Manitoba for many years is the need for safe houses,
shelters, and secondary and transitional housing with supports. Fotheringham
and Walsh (2013) support this discussion by illustrating that a move directly
from homelessness to permanent housing may not be sufficient for all homeless
women and that transitional housing, especially for violence survivors, remains
part of the solution. One reason for this, especially for Indigenous
women, is that “education and employment conditions in many rural Aboriginal
communities continue to create disadvantages for migrants to
cities” (Peters, 2011, p. 8). We heard similar issues in the narratives of the
northern Manitoba women we interviewed, not only in the disadvantages for
migration to cities, but also in those associated with staying in their northern
homes. For example, we heard in their stories the need for community services
and supports to go along with safe and affordable housing. Many of the women
reported having limited formal education, minimal work experience, and little
if any experience in living on their own. As one participant stated:
I didn’t finish school. I’ve never
worked. I’ve always been isolated, away from everybody, couldn’t really do
anything. I just stayed home and looked after my kids. And, that’s not the kind
of future I want for my kids. I want to be able to get off welfare and get a
job and work for them. I want to teach them to be independent and not have to
rely on anybody and working hard for a living. So, I want to get back to
school. (Thompson 8)
Transitional and
supported housing programs set up in the North could help with such needs,
providing both effective programming and social supports to women and their
children (ACWS, 2017; Klassen, 2018). Making such programs family-focused and
culturally appropriate for Indigenous families would not only increase their
usefulness, but create a more inclusive environment (Waegemakers
Schiff, 2007;
Wendt & Baker, 2013).
Along with such
programs, there is a need to develop housing networks and systemic planning in
the communities to tackle the policy shortcomings and needs being touched on
here (Doberstein, 2016), including child welfare, criminal justice, health and
education systems, employment, and, of course, affordable housing. Following a
social determinants of health lens, which draws our attention to social and
economic conditions such as poverty, poor housing, and income inequality in
northern Manitoba, may help with this (Fernandez et al., 2015). To conclude, it
is essential to remember that the need for resources does not only apply to
shelters and formal resources, as the absence of housing, in general,
contributes to women’s challenges in seeking services. Having access to stable
housing is a preventative and proactive way to ensure that women feel safe, and
it can facilitate leaving an abusive relationship rather than being something
provided after leaving that relationship (Ponic et al., 2011).
Lastly, any
policy or practice interventions that are aimed at assisting abused women
living in the North must attend to women’s experiences as mothers. As noted
earlier, all of the women who participated in our study were mothers and all
expressed how their children’s interests and well-being were at the centre of
any decision they made around leaving or returning to their abusive partner
and/or home community. It is unlikely that interventions that do not attend to
women’s needs as mothers will be effective. Clearly, services that are aimed at
women must also take into account the well-being and interests of their
children (and vice versa).
Limitations
Our
study has limitations; one limitation is that it was a cross-sectional study
with a small number of women participants staying at two shelter locations, who
were interviewed at one point in time. Therefore, we do not know if the
experiences documented in this article reflect the lived experiences of all
women in northern communities. We also do not know what happened to the
fourteen women we interviewed once they left the shelter. Were they successful
in finding safe and affordable housing for themselves and their children? Was
it in their home community or a regional centre? Was their only option to
return to the situation they originally left due to violence? Future
longitudinal-based research to explore women’s pathways, trajectories, and
journeys are needed.
A second
limitation is that we recruited participants through shelters and, therefore,
our study does not include the voices and experiences of women who have not
accessed shelters. It is unclear how their particular experiences differ from
the women who participated in our study. Lastly, a limitation is that our focus
was on women, which included their experiences as mothers. Although we did not
interview the children themselves to learn about their experiences with living
in a violent home and housing instability and insecurity, this
was not the focus of our research. Instead, our focus was on how women
experience intimate partner violence and housing insecurity and instability in
northern Manitoba, which inextricably included
their experiences as mothers.
Conclusion
This
study adds to the literature by exploring affordable housing and the needs of
women and their children escaping violent relations in northern Manitoba. The
purpose of this research project was to focus on examining how the current lack
of affordable housing and the absence of a coordinated service response affect
women and their children as they escape violent relationships. Through our
research, we explored both the geographic moves women make as they seek safety
and shelter for themselves and their children, and their reasons for making
these transitions. The research found that there is a need for proactive
service responses to violence against women and children in northern Manitoba.
Such a coordinated response needs to begin in the northern communities
themselves, with links to regional services and supports when appropriate.
One clear and
needed recommendation is that the federal government assure that
the need for adequate, reliable, and secure housing on First Nations will be
met. This recommendation follows the recognition under the federal National
Housing Strategy that, besides housing being a human right, Indigenous and
northern housing is an urgent concern.
A second
recommendation
is that the federal government increase dedicated-funding supports for on-reserve
community initiatives, as reflected in the Murdered and Missing Indigenous
Women and Girls (NIMMIWG) Calls for Justice—dpecifically
for Indigenous-centred and community-based anti-violence
initiatives that help build up healthy local communities through
relevant social, spiritual, and economic development. Such
mechanisms of empowerment could strengthen community
social well-being (the good life) while reducing the vulnerabilities
for women and children living there. One place this could begin is with funding
formal supports and emergency shelters on reserves and providing access to safe
and affordable travel throughout the Provincial North.
The third
recommendation is for increased investment in social, rent-geared-to-income
housing, and transitional and supportive housing in the regional centres of the
Provincial North. In the future, the circular migration, back and forth between
home and regional centres, will likely continue. When needed, we should be
prepared to help women and their families escaping violence, so they can make
that transition as efficiently as possible.
Acknowledgements
This research was made
possible through the funding of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council (Canada) through the Manitoba Research Alliance (Canadian Centre for
Policy Alternatives – Manitoba). We would like to thank the journal’s peer
reviewers for their insight and suggestions to an earlier version of this
article. We would also like to thank the staff at the Thompson Crisis Centre
and the Ikwe-Widdjiitiwin in Winnipeg for their support in this project.
Miigwetch, Ekosani, Tansi, merci, and thank you to the women who participated
in the research interviews and generously shared their stories and
perspectives.
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